The CAES editorial team waits for your contributions for CAES Vol. 8, № 4 that is going to be published in the middle of December 2022. The deadline for submission of papers is December 5.
The CAES editorial team waits for your contributions for CAES Vol. 8, № 4 that is going to be published in the middle of December 2022. The deadline for submission of papers is December 5.
How closely the Neolithic people of the site of Okhta 1 were related to the Neolithic people of the sites of Sarnate and Šventoji 43?
The Pit-Comb Ware from the Neolithic site Okhta 1 is much alike that from the Neolithic sites located on the territories of the Baltic states. The degree of relatedness of the Neolithic people of Okhta 1 to those of Sarnate and Šventoji 43 can be estimated by calculating the degree of resemblance of the corresponding assemblages of potsherds. The degree of resemblance between the assemblages of potsherds from Okhta 1 and from Sarnate is 0.32. The degree of resemblance between the assemblages of potsherds from Okhta 1 and from Šventoji 43 is 0.42. The degree of resemblance between the assemblages of potsherds from Sarnate and Šventoji 43 is 0.39. It means that the regularity of contacts of the Neolithic people of Okhta 1 with those of Šventoji 43 was the same as the regularity of contact between the Neolithic people of Šventoji 43 and those of Sarnate.
Keywords: Pit-Comb Ware; Neolithic period; Neolithic pottery; ornaments of pottery; Mathematical Semiotics
A function describing the regularity of changes of the potential relative error that occurs in the comparison of randomly selected assemblages of potsherds
Alexander Akulov, Tresi Nonno
The error that occurs in estimating degrees of resemblance of randomly selected assemblages of potsherds depends on the ratio of the numbers of potsherds. Originally the error is determined by the following points: if the ratio of numbers of potsherds is 1 – 0.7 the error is 0.01 or less, if the ratio is 0.65 – 0.6 the error is about 0.045, if the ratio is 0.55 – 0.5 the error is about 0.075, if the ratio is 0.45 the error is 0.14, if the ratio is 0.4 and less the error is about 0.19. To derive a function from the above-shown data was employed an online calculator that used several regression models to approximate an unknown function given by a set of data points. The function that fits the above-shown data best way is the following quadratic regression: δ = – 0.88r2 + 1.52r + 0.35, r is the ratio of numbers of potsherds.
Keywords: comparing assemblages of potsherds; mathematical semiotics; ornaments of pottery; semiotics
Substrate words of Sami which correlate with Sumerian words
In Sami there are 30 words that have no Uralic etymology; they could be borrowed from the language of Paja Ul Deˀŋ. It is supposed that Paja Ul Deˀŋ spoke a language belonging to the western branch of the Ainu-Minoan stock. Recently Sumerian language has been proved to belong to the western branch of the Ainu-Minoan stock, so Sumerian can be applied to these words of dim etymology. At least six words can be correlated with Sumerian words: kipp’tε “to cook” ~ Sumerian kibiKAK; Kildin Sami (KS) luhpel’ “1 y.o. reindeer” ~ Sumerian lahar, lahar2 “ewe”, “sheep” (however the word lahar can be of Akkadian origin, this point requires a special research); KS modžes “beautiful” ~ Sumerian mu5 “beautiful”, “good”; KS mun “frost” ~ Sumerian: mabi, mabi2, mammi2; KS nigkeš “pike” (fish) ~ Sumerian nig̃2-kiku6 “fish”; KS nissε “to kiss” ~ Sumerian níg̃-sa6-ga “pleasure”, “happiness”, niĝ2-sag9-ga (nig2-sag9-ga) “goodness”, “good (thing)”.
Keywords: substrate in Sami; Paja Ul Deˀŋ; Sumerian; Ainu-Minoan stock
Androgynous deities/beings in mythologies and art of the Ainu-Minoan people as a sign of positive attitude toward variations of gender
If certain languages are related, i.e.: belong to the same family/stock, then the corresponding cultures share certain similar/look-alike conceptions/ideas/patterns. The more closely are certain cultures related, the larger is the set of their similar conceptions. In the case of such language unities as Ainu-Minoan only very basic ideas can be common. One of the common ideas of the people of the Ainu-Minoan stock is a pretty positive attitude toward variations of gender. This idea/tendency is expressed by the presence of androgynous deities/beings in the corresponding mythologies and art. In the most obvious form this tendency is expressed in Sumerian culture in the cult of Inanna. In Chinese culture this tendency is expressed by the figure of Lan Caihe. In Jōmon culture this tendency is expressed by clay figurines dogū depicting androgynous beings. In Minoan Crete this tendency is expressed by frescoes depicting people of ambiguous gender.
Keywords: androgyny;Inanna; Sumerian culture; Chinese culture; Jōmon; Minoan Crete
Between income and prestige: an essay on Roman landowning
Many of those who get acquainted with the history of the ancient world, Roman history, and in particular the history of the economy of Ancient Rome, believe that the Romans organized their economy on the rational principle of income extraction, transferring the modern realities of the capitalist world to the history of the ancient world. However, this does not correspond to what our sources show. From them it can be seen that the economy of the ancient world was quite archaic, and demonstrative consumption played a big role in it, to indicate its status in society and prestige. One of the elements of prestigious consumption was in the possession of land. The Roman aristocracy is trying to increase the size of its possessions, despite the low and even negative profitability of the estates, going bankrupt at the same time.
Keywords: economics; history of Ancient Rome; ancient world; history, prestige, classical studies
Dating of the Neolithic site of Toksovo by the comparison of frequencies of ornamental imprints on potsherds
The Neolithic site of Toksovo was discovered in 1926, but has never been properly dated, however, a collection of potsherds was picked on it (the site is located in the southern part of the Karelian Isthmus, on the southern bank of Kavgolovo lake). Not far from the site of Toksovo there is another Neolithic site (Hepojarvi) that was properly dated (5314 – 2342 cal BCE). The Comb-Pit Ware of Hepojarvi site is subdivided into three subtypes: the Comb-Pit Ware of the early stage, of the developed stage, and of the late stage. The collection of potsherds of Toksovo site is very close to the developed Comb-Pit Ware of Hepojarvi, and so Toksovo site existed in the 4th millennium – in the very beginning of the 3rd millennium BCE. Both sites belonged to the same group of people; initially people dwelled on the site of Hepojarvi and later appeared the site of Toksovo.
Keywords: Comb-Pit Ware; Neolithic pottery; ornaments of pottery; mathematical semiotics
A modification of the formula used in the comparison of randomly selected assemblages of potsherds
The formula that was usually used in the comparison of two randomly selected assemblages of potsherds didn’t account for the potential error, though the information about the possible error was reported separately. And so it is useful to have a formula that would account for the potential error. Previously in a special paper it was shown that the potential error is connected with the ratio of numbers of potsherds of the compared assemblages. The potential error can be accounted for if the (1 – δ) coefficient is inserted into the formula (δ is the relative error). This parameter shows how close the compared collections are in the quantitative aspect, and to what extent the possibility of deviation is excluded. Also in the paper is shown a table containing values of the degree of resemblance which were given by a standard set of assemblages of the Pit-Comb Ware.
Keywords: comparing assemblages of potsherds; mathematical semiotics; ornaments of pottery; semiotics
Some thoughts on the roots of the Ainu bear ritual iomante
Alexander Akulov, Tresi Nonno
The Ainu bear ritual iomante, in our opinion, began when hunters killed a she-bear and brought her cubs to their settlement, raised them, and then killed them to get their meat; this happened in a very distant past, perhaps even before the Jōmon period. While the cubs were raised, the people began to treat them as beings that had ontological status close to human beings. These bears already were not just prey, and so the killing of such bears should have implied an apology for the murder. Gradually the practice of propitiating the souls of bears developed, and the rites became more elaborated. Bear rituals could exist at least in the late Jōmon: in some sites attributed to this time were found clay figurines depicting bears. These figurines mean that there were certain special notions about bears, and so it is possible to suppose the existence of some bear rituals.
Keywords: Ainu beliefs; bear; bear ritual; Ainu; Jōmon
A formalization of rituals that allows estimating degrees of their similarity
Any ritual is a semiotic system and can be formalized just like any other semiotic system, and after formalization, it is possible to estimate the degrees of similarities of different rituals. Any ritual can be considered as a play/performance and can be described by the following system of sets: Participants (P), Tools and locations (T), Actions (A), and Expected results (R). To estimate the degree of similarity of two rituals should be estimated the degree of similarity of P of one ritual with P of another ritual, T of one ritual with T of another ritual, and so on, finally should be taken arithmetic mean of four received values. The procedures of formalizing and comparison of rituals are shown on the material of the Ainu bear ritual – iomante, Ainu ritual kamuy nomi, and the bear ritual that was practiced in Lithuanian Panevėžys.
Keywords: rituals; comparison of rituals; cultural anthropology; semiotics; mathematical semiotics
Roman townsman in the countryside
In most studies of the socio-economic history of ancient Rome, attention is paid either separately to urban life or rural life, but the phenomenon of a person entering an alien environment stands aside. In this regard, the question arises: to what extent in ancient times there was a discrepancy between the inhabitants of the city and the countryside. This small study on how a Roman citizen behaves in a village raises a number of problems of this nature. What was the countryside like for the inhabitants of a Roman city? How did he behave there? And whether a Roman citizen wanted to live in a village? The article attempts to find answers to these questions.
Keywords: ancient Rome; ancient city; townspeople; villagers
A conclusion about the structure of the winter settlements of Paja Ul Deˀŋ after experiments on making stone axes in the winter period
Manufacturing of stone axes/adzes was a matter of vital importance for Paja Ul Deˀŋ. In winter boulders are covered with a thin layer of ice, and therefore, before grinding an ax/adz on a boulder it is necessary to remove ice from it. The best way is to pour hot water on the boulder or build a fire on it. However, if the manufacturing of stone axes is required regularly, it is much more convenient to make a boulder always be without ice. If a boulder is placed inside a dwelling where the positive temperature is constantly maintained, then it is not covered with ice. It is logical to suppose that in order to be able to produce axes/adzes at any time Paja Ul Deˀŋ could bring medium-sized boulders to winter dwellings, or winter dwellings could be specially constructed so that natural boulders convenient for making axes would be inside dwellings.
Keywords: Neolithic stone industry; Neolithic dwellings; experimental archaeology
Sumerian and the Ainu-Minoan stock
Since the very deciphering of the Sumerian language many pretty naïve attempts to attribute it to different language families have been made. It seems highly possible that Sumerian is rather close to Northeast Caucasian languages which belong to the Ainu-Minoan stock. To resolve this question in the current paper Sumerian is compared with Tabasaran by the Verb Grammar Correlation Index (VGCI). If a value of VGCI is about 0.4 or more then the compared languages are related. VGCI of Tabasaran and Sumerian is 0.4, it means that Tabasaran and Sumerian belong to the same family, and due to the transitivity of relatedness, Sumerian is a part of the Ainu-Minoan stock.
Keywords: Sumerian; Tabasaran; Northeast Caucasian; VGCI; comparative linguistics
Medeina/Medeinė as a relic of Neolithic beliefs
Yelena Kolesnikova, Mindaugas Peleckis
Medeina originally was a deity of forests in Lithuanian mythology, later in the 13th – 14th centuries she became also a deity of war. The fact that a deity of forests became one of the central deities in the mythology of medieval society is rather unique. Also a fact pointing to the archaism of Medeina is her connection with the bear cult. The character of Medeina seems to be a relic of beliefs of a substrate ethnic group. The name of Medeina/Medeinė is derived from Lithuanian words medis “tree” or medė “forest”; which have no reliable Indo-European etymology. The root mede “tree” / “forest” can originate from a language of the Neolithic people of the East European plain, these people spoke a language related to Yeniseian, Caucasian, and Hattic. The root mede “tree” / “forest” correlates with Proto-Northwest Caucasian form *maźV “pine-tree”. The name Medeina/Medeinė originally could sound like Mæde/Mædə.
Keywords: Medeina; Lithuanian mythology; bear cult
The meaning of Sumerian culture for the reconstruction of cultural patterns existing in societies speaking languages belonging to the Ainu-Minoan stock
Sumerian language belongs to the Ainu-Minoan stock. The relatedness of languages supposes a certain similarity of the corresponding cultures. Sumerian culture is especially valuable for understanding conceptions existing in cultures of the Ainu-Minoan stock because throughout its history it developed by its internal logic, without experiencing serious external influences, and also had a well-elaborated tradition of recording different aspects of its own life. The closer a certain Ainu-Minoan culture (in geographical, historical, and social aspects) is to Sumerian culture, the more it is possible to project onto it items of Sumerian culture. Cultures remote from Sumerian culture both in time and geographically have usually only the most basic features in common with it. However, if the question is a reconstruction of patterns/mechanisms of a certain culture of the Ainu-Minoan stock, then Sumerian culture can be used more as a certain ideal example rather than as a source of direct analogies/projections.
Keywords: Sumerian culture; Ainu-Minoan stock;cultural patterns
The semantics of the Ainu bear ritual iomante: bear as a kind of inaw
Tresi Nonno, Alexander Akulov
Bear was one of the most important beings for Ainu. Bears were not only named kamuy, but were considered as true kamuy by the Ainu. And bear ritual iomante was one of the most significant rituals in the system of Ainu rituals. In the system of Ainu religion inaw is a universal sacrifice, i.e.: a bridge between the world of people and the world of kamuy, a bridge through which ramat can flow from the world of kamuy to the world of people. And the iomante ritual serves to establish a connection/bridge with the world of kamuy, and grace from the world of kamuy flows over the bridge into the world of people: people become more successful in hunting. And thus, bear in the iomante ritual can be considered as a kind of inaw.
Keywords: Ainu beliefs; bear; bear ritual; bear feast; Ainu
Social aspects of Neolithic technology of firing pottery in bonfires
Firing pottery was one of the most complicated Neolithic technologies since it requires certain natural conditions to be met and the existence of an organized group that could successfully make firing. Such group/team consists of a person that can be denoted foreman of firing and assistants. A foreman of firing maintained stable and active fire and managed the process of firing in general. The main task of the assistants was the preparation of brushwood. Firing of a large vessel required many efforts, so there could be two or three teams, which replacing each other continuously maintained the fire. The Neolithic technology of firing evidently was built up with many restrictions and rituals which were aimed to avoid distractions/bustle. Foremen of firing could predict the dry weather, so they played the roles somehow like those of shamans. Foremen of firing could be informal leaders of their local groups.
Keywords: Neolithic technology of firing pottery; Neolithic society; experimental archaeology
The Kaftiw spell against Asiatic disease from the London Medical Papyrus
The text of the Kaftiw/Minoan spell against Asiatic disease from the London Medical Papyrus is the following: sAn tikApwp wAAywAti yman tiirkAkA. The original phrase probably was the following: sa-n(1) ti-kapu-p(V)(2) u-waa-pi-wā-at(3) imallen(4) ti-hir-kar-kar(5) – “horns of health-giving Moon(1-2) help me(3) this way(4) clean the rash(5)”. Kaftiw/Minoan language can be decoded through Hattic language. The form sAn tikApwp looks much like Hattic possessive genitive where the possessor has suffix –n, and the possessed has prefix te/še/le; sA ~ Hattic sa “to make healthy”; tikApwp has root kap “Moon” and a partial reduplication, so kApwp probably means “crescent”. wAAywAti ~ u-waa-pi-wā-at where: u – agent, waa – patient, pi – centripetal version, and wā – root “to set”. yman ~ Hattic imallen “thus” / “this way”. tiirkAkA – ti-hir-kar-kar where: ti/te – optative, kar-kar – root “to rake”, “to scrape”, hir ~ Hattic hil “to strew”, and so ti-hir-kar-kar means “may [this/someone] remove the rash”.
Keywords: Minoan language; Kaftiw language; Kaftiw; Egyptian Papyruses; Minoan Crete
On the Ainu origin of the ethnonym Emishi/Ebisu/Ezo
Alexander Akulov, Tresi Nonno
The main arguments of the Ainu origin of the name Emishi were presented by Kindaichi, however, that these arguments were presented rather haphazardly. This paper is aimed to represent facts found by Kindachi in a more systematic way. It is possible to say that the Japanese form emishi is the oldest form. Japanese emishi was derived from Ainu *emciu. The form ebisu came out from the form emisu. Key points of transformation of *emciu into ezo are the following: 1) emchiu became enju: [m] of emciu became [n] under the influence of subsequent alveolar/alveolo-palatal sound [t]/[tɕ]; 2) Ainu language doesn’t distinguish voiced and unvoiced consonants, so enciu became enju; 3) enju was pronounced as enzo in Tōhoku. Ainu word-form enju can’t originate from Japanese ezo: if ezo would be borrowed by Ainu it would become *ento. Also the word enciu/enju was used as self-naming by Ainu in sacral narratives/in tales.
Keywords: Emishi; Ainu; Kindaichi
Emishi chief Ryōkō/Ri-o-kur 綾糠from the scroll about emperor Bidatsu
In the 20th scroll of Nihon shoki there is a name of Emishi chief 綾糟 that is read as Ayakasu. This reading is unlike typical Emishi/Ainu names of chiefs: Emishi were a branch of Ainu, and names of Ainu chiefs usually end with kur – “person”. It seems that Ayakasu was ascribed to these kanji in late time. The kan’on of 綾糟 is ryōsō, but if a name ending with kur is recorded by kanji then such recording evidently should end with a kanji sounding like kur (with a kanji that is read as ki/ko/kō/ku). Probably the original kanji of the name were 綾糠 and it was pronounced as Ryōkō, later 糠 was mistakenly replaced by 糟. Ryōkō originally was Ri-o-kur; it consists of the following components: kur – “man/person”; ri – “to be tall/high”, “to be growing”; o – “penis”. Thus, Ri-o-kur means “A man with an erected penis”.
Keywords: Emishi; Nihon shoki; Ainu
On some connections of Celtic and Baltic peoples
In ancient times both Celtic and Baltic languages were spread in the vast areas of central and northern Europe. It’s possible that Celtic and Baltic tribes met on the trade route Amber Road which took place from the North Sea and the Baltic Sea to the Mediterranean Sea since the 16th century BC. In this paper I want to consider a grammatical feature that is common to Celtic and Baltic languages: nominative singular case marker -as that is seen best in Scottish Gaelic (and also traced in Old Irish, Irish, Cornish, and Welsh) and Lithuanian, and also about some common place names and a common god.
Keywords: Celtic, Baltic, Gaulish, Scottish Gaelic, Old Irish, Irish, Cornish, Welsh, Lithuanian, Old Prussian
The bear stones of Olkhovka
The complex of sacral stones of Olkhovka is usually dated to the Iron Age and to the Middle Ages. However, there are some facts indicating that the stones could be used by the Neolithic people yet. Finnish/Karelian name of Olkhovka was Lapinlahti (literally: “Sami bay”). The practice of cup stones is unknown in Sami culture, but there is the cult of noticeable stones (the cult of sieidis). The word sieidi/sejjd has no Uralic etymology, but can be explained through Hattic šail – “lord”, “master”. Ancient Sami had contacts with the Neolithic population of the Russian Northwest, which spoke a language that was a juncture between Yeniseian, Hattic, and Caucasian languages. Also a noteworthy fact is that almost all stones with artificially created cups resemble lying/sitting bears, and so ritual practices around these stones could be formed by the Neolithic people yet, who definitely had certain bear rites and bear myths.
Keywords: sacral stones; Sami; pre-Sami substratum; Paja Ul Deˀŋ
The deciphering of the Linear A tablet Malia 10
The Linear A tablet Malia 10 has inscriptions on four sides of six. Sides A and B have relatively well-preserved inscriptions containing syllabograms, logograms depicting different vessels, and numerals. Previously it was shown that Minoan and Hattic are rather close, so phrases from the tablet can be decoded through Hattic. The component tew from the phrase dupitewa from side B correlates with Hattic tepušne/tewuušne “libation”. The -a ending correlates with Hattic imperative -a. The component –u– in the syllable du correlates with Hattic marker of 2sgsb- u– / un-. The syllable pi correlates with Hattic marker of plural object –p-. The phrase ru from the side A correlates with Hattic verb lu “to be able”.
Keywords: Linear A; Minoan language; Hattic language
The etymology of the toponyms of Murino and Murom
Alexander Akulov, Yelena Kolesnikova
Near Saint Petersburg there is a town named Murino. The toponym has no reliable etymology but seems to be connected with Murom. Murom also has no reliable etymology. Folklore says that in Murino and in Murom there were dense forests where different criminals and devilry dwelled. Thus, both toponyms seem to be connected with forest. In Kildin Sami there is the word murr “tree” that has no Uralic etymology, but can be explained through Proto-Nakh *murq̇a “alder-tree” and Proto-West Caucasian maźV “pine-tree”. Sami had direct contacts with the Neolithic people, and it is supposed that these toponyms came from the language of Neolithic people who spoke a language that was a juncture between Yeniseian and Caucasian languages. Toponyms Murino and Murom mean probably the forest that was used as a place of residence by the relict groups of Neolithic people who maintained their culture in the Metal age.
Keywords: Pre-Uralic toponyms; substrate toponyms; Murino; Murom; Muri Deˀŋ
Some place names of Ainu origin in the islands of Ryūkyū: toponyms with the component pira/hira
In the islands of Ryūkyū there are some toponyms containing the component pira/hira that originated from the Ainu word pira “cliff” / “rock”: Kabiraiishizaki in the island of Ishigaki, the island of Hirari near Ishigaki, Kotohira in the island of Yoron, Takahira in the island of Takeshima, and Takahira in the island of Yakushima. The component pira/hira can’t originate from any other language except Ainu. Toponyms with the same component pira/hira exist in Hokkaidō. Toponyms with the pira/hira component evidently should be traced back to the Jōmon language. The fact that toponyms of Jōmon origin can be decoded through modern Ainu means that the language of Jōmon and modern Ainu are pretty close. The fact that in the islands of Ryūkyū there are toponyms with the same component as in the island of Hokkaidō means that in ancient times Ainu inhabited the whole Japanese archipelago from Ryūkyū to Hokkaidō.
Keywords: Ryūkyū islands; Ainu toponymy; Ainu language; Jōmon language; substrate toponymy
Beira, Mari, and Indo-Europeanization of non-Indo-European Divinities
It has often been thought that the Basques, in language and religion, are completely free of Indo-European influence. And, as this paper shows, this is certainly not the case. The chief of the Basque pantheon, Mari, is shown to have extreme influence from the Celtic peoples that surrounded the ancestors of the Basques on all sides. This paper will focus on the comparison between Mari and the Irish Cailleach Bheara. I propose regular sound correspondences between the names of Mari and Bheara. Also, I will show sound correspondences between the words for colors turning up in Celtic and Basque religion proposed by Zelikov. These points show that the Celts had a great amount of influence on Basque religion.
Keywords: Basque Studies, Basque Religion, Cailleach, Celtic Studies, Celtic Religion
Estimating the degree of resemblance of assemblages of stone axes/adzes
To estimate the index of resemblance of two collections of stone axes/adzes, it is necessary to compare the following characteristics: 1) the total numbers of items of the compared collections, 2) the distributions of the material of which the items were made, 3) the percentages of items that can be compared, 4) concrete parameters of items selected for comparison: material, the shape of the working edge, width, cross-section and so on. The last point can contain several points if more than one pair of items is compared. Each of these points gives a certain value laying in the diapason from 0 to 1, and then the degree of resemblance of two collections is the arithmetic mean of indexes of resemblance for each point.
Keywords: stone axes; stone adzes; chopping tools comparison; Neolithic chopping tools
On the etymology of the toponym Tiuri/Tiura
In the North-East part of the Karelian Isthmus not far from Priozersk there are ruins of a fortified Novgorodian settlement that existed in the 13th – 15th centuries. The site is known as Tiversk. The place name initially had the form of Tivra/Tiuri. In the Medieval epoch the site was located on an island near rapids. There are several naïve explanations of the etymology of the place name through Finnic languages. Really the toponym has originated from the language of Neolithic inhabitants of Saint Petersburg and the Leningrad region, i.e.: from the language of Paja Ul Deˀŋ. In the word of Tiuri/Tiura can be singled out the component ur that correlates with Proto-Yeniseian *xur1 “water” and with Hattic ur or uri “spring”/“source”. The component ti correlates with Proto-Yeniseian *tiʔŋ “to spin”, “to roll”. Thus, Tivra/Tiuri/Tiur means “rolling water” or “spinning water”. This name very well conveys the features of the place.
Keywords: Leningrad region; Tiversk; Tiuri; Paja Ul Deˀŋ; substrate hydronyms
Substrate lexical items of Sami which correlate with words of Northeast Caucasian languages
In Sami there are 30 words of unknown etymology; they could be borrowed from the language of Paja Ul Deˀŋ. Recently it was shown that Northwest and Northeast Caucasian are related, so the origin of these words of dim etymology can be searched for in Northeast Caucasian languages: Sami abbr’ – “rain” correlates with Chechen ʕowr-as; Sami cigk – “mist” correlates with Ingush deχko “fog”; Sami kuras – “empty” correlates with Proto-North Caucasian: *xāro “hollow”; Sami puaz – “reindeer” correlates with Proto-North Caucasian *wħɨ̄swe – “deer”, Sami murr – “tree” correlates with Proto-Nakh *murq̇a “alder tree”. Now we have a list of 12 words: about 58.3% of the list has Caucasian or Hattic etymology, about 33.3% of this list has Yeniseian etymology, about 8.3% has Yeniseian and Hattic etymology at the same time. The language of Paja Ul Deˀŋ seems to be closer to Caucasian languages and to Hattic rather than to Yeniseian.
Keywords: Ainu-Minoan stock; Paja Ul Deˀŋ; substrate in Sami
The role of parents in the development of minority languages by children
In the process of revitalizing the minority language, activists face many challenges. Most of the developments are aimed at increasing the ease of learning a language, creating entertaining content, developing methods of teaching a language from an early age and creating a language environment. Often experts come to the conclusion that for a successful revival of the language, new young speakers must appear. This task is the cornerstone of the whole issue of the revival of the minority language. Indeed, only in the communication of new native speakers will the language be able to revive and fully function. However, in all discussions, the important question of the role of parents in the acquisition of a minority language by children escapes. In this article, we will try to identify the role of parents in the development of minority language by children and outline the directions for further research.
Keywords: parents’ role; minority languages; language revitalization
A preliminary attempt to reconstruct the lexeme of “man” / “person” of the Ainu-Minoan proto-language
The paper is devoted to a preliminary attempt to reconstruct the Proto-Ainu-Minoan lexeme “man” / “person”. The Ainu-Minoan stock is formed by the following languages and/or language families: Ainu, Great Andamanese, Sino-Tibetan family, Hattic, North Caucasian, and Minoan. And also Yeniseian family belongs to the same stock. Using Sino-Caucasian reconstructions made by the group led by S. A. Starostin: Proto-Yeniseian *keʔt, Proto-North Caucasian *kwV̆nVṭV (*ḳwV̆nVtV), Proto-Sino-Tibetan *wăH, Proto-Sino-Caucasian *[k]wV̆́n[ṭ]V, and also Ainu kur, and Great Andamanese lao it is possible to reconstruct Proto-Ainu-Minoan form *[k]wVd[V]. I suppose that a reconstructed proto-form should not be just mechanical compounding of different local proto-forms.
Keywords: Ainu-Minoan stock; Proto-Ainu-Minoan lexicon; linguistic reconstruction
Northeast Caucasian languages and the Ainu-Minoan stock
The hypothesis that Northwest and Northeast Caucasian languages are related was proposed by S. A. Starostin, however, the methodology used by Starostin (comparison of the so-called basic vocabulary) cannot resolve the question of whether the compared languages are related. The only tool that can detect the relatedness of certain languages is the comparison of grammar. Previously it was proved that the Northwest Caucasian family is a part of the Ainu-Minoan stock. In this paper the question of whether Northeast Caucasian languages are related to the Ainu-Minoan stock is resolved by Verb Grammar Correlation Index (VGCI): Tabasaran is compared with Kabardian. If the value of VGCI is about 0.4 or more then compared languages are related. VGCI of Tabasaran and Kabardian is 0.39, so they belong to the same family, and due to the transitivity of relatedness Northeast Caucasian languages belong to the Ainu-Minoan stock.
Keywords: Northwest Caucasian languages; Northeast Caucasian languages; Caucasian languages; Tabasaran language; Kabardian language; Verb Grammar Correlation Index
The etymology of the hydronym Syas
The hydronym of Syas has no well-proved etymology. It is supposed that the hydronym originated from Finnic roots: sääski (or sääksi) that means “osprey” or “mosquito”. Both versions look like folk etymologies: in the territory of the Leningrad region any river can be named “Mosquito river”; the second version looks too poetic to be realistic. The hydronym Syas correlates well with Southern Ket śaś “rivers” and Arin sat “river”, and thus the hydronym could have originated from the language of so-called Paja Ul Deˀŋ. The hydronym could be borrowed through the Sami language: in Kildin Sami there is the word čad’z’ – “water” that has no Uralic etymology, but can be correlated with Southern Ket śaś “rivers”. Yet in the 13th century there was a compact Sami population on the southern shore of Lake Ladoga not far from the Syas river.
Keywords: Syas river; Paja Ul Deˀŋ; Sami language; substrate hydronyms
Whether there were wars in the Stone Age?
Alexander Akulov, Tresi Nonno
It is incorrect to consider any conflict/violence as war. War is violence performed by a special group of people according to a special plan and with the use of special tools intended to kill people; such tools differ from household/hunting tools. The existence of wars is detected by the existence of weapon: no weapon – no war. The territory of the Japanese archipelago is one of the best-excavated regions, so Japanese data can be used as a standard. In Japanese prehistory Jōmon corresponds with European Mesolithic and Neolithic periods, and Yayoi corresponds with European Chalcolithic/Aeneolithic period. One of the main differences between Jōmon and Yayoi is the absence of warfare in Jomon and the existence of it in Yayoi. The scheme derived from the Japanese material is universal: the same can be seen in the East European plain where weapon appeared in the Chalcolithic period and was unknown in Neolithic.
Keywords: Stone Age; Neolithic period; Chalcolithic period; Jōmon; Yayoi; Fatyanovo technocomplex; war; historical reenactment
Social networks, messengers, and mobile phones as evil
Social networks are usually considered as something extremely positive and the most optimistic forecasts and expectations are associated with them. The reality, however, is slightly more complicated, and social networks have negative aspects. The first negative aspect is a tendency to escape meaningful content. Another negative point can be conventionally designated as stereotypization and artificial segregation of ideas. Also social networks serve the standardization of mind and behavior. And also a very negative aspect related to social networks and messengers is the obsession with mobile phones. The fact that there is such a large demand for brainless content is a sign that in modern society there are a variety of crises. People should pay more attention to real life and should not hesitate to be unsocial, ‘unmodern’ and complicated.
Keywords: social networks;modern society;mass consciousness; ethnography of contemporaneity
A simple method that allows comparing forms of pots
When archaeologists deal with ancient pottery often appears a need to compare forms of pots. Often the comparison of forms of pots is speculative, in some cases, on the contrary, very complex equipment is used to get a description of a shape of a pot. If the question is to compare forms of vessels then there is no need to compare the actual concrete vessels, should be compared formalized descriptions of forms of vessels. In the current paper is represented a system of notation that allows describing/representing different parts of a vessel in a highly formalized way, any particular shape can be described in the terms of this formalized notation, and these formalized descriptions can be compared just like usual sets.
Keywords: mathematical semiotics; shapes of pots; comparing of pottery; semiotics
Interpreting the proximity values of potsherds collections received by the Monte Carlo method
If we are going to learn to what degree the collection of potsherds x belonging to the technocomplex X is close to the collection y belonging to the technocomplex Y, then the degree of proximity of x and y should be compared with that of y and yn (yn is a random collection belonging to Y). If the degree of proximity of x and y is the same or higher than that of y and yn, it means that x and y are related. If the aim is to compare different subgroups that have been singled out within a certain collection of potsherds then a standard set of collections can be used as a source of thresholds. A standard set of collections should contain several collections in order to be representative; also collections of the set should have originated from sites that have been proved to be related.
Keywords: comparing collections of potsherds; mathematical semiotics; Neolithic pottery
Whether the site of Hepojarvi is a settlement of repeated settling?
The site of Hepojarvi is the first excavated Neolithic settlement in the south of the Karelian Isthmus, in the immediate vicinity of Saint Petersburg. The pottery of the site has been subdivided into three types: Sperrings pottery, Comb-Pit Ware of the developed stage of the Neolithic period, and the late Neolithic pottery. The site was supposed to be a settlement of repeated settling. In order to clarify: whether population shifts really took place on the site in this paper three subgroups of pottery are compared by the method of Monte Carlo. Within the pottery of Hepojarvi can be distinguished three subgroups, but they are separated from each other no further than collections of pottery of related local groups. The tradition of pottery was maintained and it is possible to say that there were no population shifts on the settlement during the Neolithic period.
Keywords: Comb-Pit Ware; Pit-Comb Ware; Neolithic pottery; Hepojarvi settlement; ornaments of pottery; mathematical semiotics
Historical reenactment in modern Russia as a subculture
The so-called historical reenactment in Russia is a special subculture with its own ideology. Usually reenactors are adherents of different conservative worldviews (they are adherents of so-called ‘traditional family values’ and sexism; demonstrate negative attitudes toward feminism and LGBT, and also toward liberal ideas). Also historical reenactors consider things as more important than semiotic systems. This tendency serves the devaluation of history as semiotics. Semiotics should be the backbone of any historical research and any experiment/reconstruction: one should not simply reconstruct a certain item, but should first of all understand/reconstruct the role of the item inside the corresponding culture. Under the influence of this historical reenactment the importance of semiotics in historical sciences is subjected to devaluation, and experimental archaeology is converted into a cosplay show. Serious historians should distance themselves from movements of such kind, and oppose something to such movements or at least not hesitate to criticize them.
Keywords: historical reenactment; modern Russia; subcultures; ethnography of contemporaneity
Problems of the Aleut language education
Aleuts are the indigenous people of the Alaska Peninsula. They speak the Aleut language, but only 96 fluent speakers remain anywhere, with the largest concentration on the island of Atka in the central Aleutians. On Atka and Bering Islands is spoken Western or Atkan dialect. The differences between Western and Eastern dialects are not fundamental. There are some differences in the lexical composition, syntax, and some morphological differences. The Bilingual Education Act of 1967 opened up the possibility of teaching in American schools on languages other than English. The Alaska Native Language Study Center, initiated by Michael Krauss at the University of Alaska at Fairbanks, produces textbooks and other literature in the Aleut language. However, since the 1980s, there have been no new Aleut language textbooks for the Alaskan school system. And in recent years the Aleut language was excluded from the school curriculum.
Keywords: Aleut language; Atkan dialect; Aleut language education
How to compare different systems of ruling represented in different societies
Any particular aspect of a society can be represented as an ordered pair of the following view: <A; Ω> where A is the set of members of society, and Ω is the set of relations defined upon A. In the case of the system of ruling the Ω set can be formed by the following two relations: direct communication with the center of decision making and immediate influence on the center of decision making. And thus, any system of ruling can be represented as a 3D vector (x, y, z) where x is the number of people belonging to the considered society, y is the proportion of people who can directly communicate with the decision-making center, and z is the proportion of people who can immediately influence on the decision-making center. The degree of resemblance of two systems of ruling is the degree of resemblance of the corresponding vectors.
Keywords: social structures; mathematical semiotics; systems of ruling
Substrate lexis of Kildin Sami interpreted through languages belonging to the Western branch of the Ainu-Minoan stock: some notes on the language of Paja ul deˀŋ
In Kildin Sami there are about 30 words which have no convincing Finno-Ugric/Uralic (or any other) etymologies. 8 of them can be interpreted through languages belonging to the western branch of Ainu-Minoan stock: čacke “to throw” correlates with Proto-West Caucasian *ʒ́V; čad’z’ “water” correlates with Ket śaś, Arin sat “river; k’ed’d’k “stone” correlates with Arin kes; kut’t’k “heart” correlates with Proto-Yenisseian *koqtV (~g-) “inside”; murr “tree” correlates with Proto-West Caucasian maźV “pines-tree”; piŋŋk “wind” correlates with Proto-Yenisseian *bej and with Hattic pezil, pizel, pizil; sejjd – “deity”correlates with Hattic šail – “lord”; vuntas “sand” correlates with Arin finńaŋ, Pumpokol pínniŋ, Ket hʌnǝŋ5, and with Yug: fʌnɨŋ5. These words are supposed to have originated from the language of so-called Paja ul deˀŋ. Thus, it is possible to say that within the Western branch of Ainu-Minoan stock the language of Paja ul deˀŋ is the juncture of Yeniseian family with Hattic/West Caucasian.
Keywords: Pre-Finno-Ugric substrate; Paja ul deˀŋ ; Yeniseian languages; Hattic; Ainu-Minoan stock
What we know about beliefs of Paja ul deˀŋ?
Paja ul deˀŋ [padʒaul’deˀŋ] “People of big water” is a conventional name of Neolithic inhabitants of the territories of Saint Petersburg and Leningrad region in their hypothetical reconstructed language. They spoke a language that was a juncture between the Yeniseian family and Hattic. It is possible to reconstruct some aspects of their beliefs. Paja ul deˀŋ most probably had no notions about supreme deities, but definitely had notions about tutelaries (spirits/deities of rivers, forests, and sea). One of the appeals to the deities could be the word *sheyd/*sheyl/*sheyr [ʃejd]/[ʃejl]/[ʃejɾ]. This word has been reconstructed from the Kildin Sami word sejjd [sejd] – “spirit”, “tutelary”, “a stone of unusual shape”. This word has no Uralic etymology, but is much like the Hattic word šail [ʃail]”master”, “lord”. It is possible to say that the cult of stones widely spread in the Northwest of Russia originated from Paja ul deˀŋ.
Keywords: Neolithic religion; Paja ul deˀŋ; cult of stones
The cultural production of gendered space
Drawing on the different ways that different societies have constructed transgender people in the past, with particular reference to the Ainu people of Northern Japan, this paper argues that different ways of understanding trans people in different societies evidenced through remaining cultural material today demonstrate a greater sophistication in terms of including trans people than in European-based societies historically as well as at present. Although these named groups represent the categories of trans people accepted in other cultures, it is argued that this probably conceals more gender diversity in these societies than it reveals, the diversity that was erased by colonial oppression. Consequently, it is argued that trans people need to be fully engaged in defining and encouraging the many different possibilities for gendered existence.
Keywords: Identification; colonialism; transgender; epistemic injustice
Some notes on regionalism and ethnic separatism in modern Russia
In the last decade we can see a notable rise of ethnic separatist and regionalist movements in Russia. These movements can be conventionally subdivided into two types: ethnic separatist movements and regionalist movements. These movements have the following characteristic features: 1) negative attitude toward Russian culture 2) ignoring facts of history/ethnology/linguistics and inventing an ideal history of an ethnic group/a region, 3) adherence to Nazi like ideologies. Such movements aren’t well organized yet; most often they are just clubs of interest, and also such movements have little impact on the current cultural, social landscapes. However, the existence and fairly widespread distribution of such movements is a sign of a deep economic, social and ideological crisis that exists in Russian society. To solve this problem, a set of measures is required. I suppose that the anthropological community could watch the situation and could come up with some recommendations.
Keywords: regionalism; ethnic separatism; right-winged ideologies; anthropology of contemporaneity; Russia
How to estimate the degree of resemblance of different concepts
If we are going to estimate the degree of resemblance of two concepts, then, first of all, concepts should be represented in forms which can be compared. Any concept can be represented as a set of statements describing its characteristic features. Set of statements describing a certain concept can be formed by answering a questionnaire; in each comparison a local questionnaire can be used. And now if we want to compare a pair of concepts we should find intersection of corresponding sets of statements, i.e.: to find congruent answer, and then take the ratio of number of statements belonging to the intersection to the total number of standard statements, the received fraction is the degree of resemblance of compared concepts.
Keywords: comparing of concepts; semiotics; mathematical semiotics